Research
343MJA 195 (6) · 19 September 2011
the consent process (to 17%) and
were unaware of alternative treatment
options (to 14%).
Reliability testing, based on 50 pairs
of reviews, showed excellent agree-
ment between reviewers. They agreed
on the primary allegation type in 92%
of the double reviews and overlapped
on the allegations identified in 99% of
cases. The
κ scores were 0.81 (95% CI,
0.58–0.95) and 0.98 (95% CI, 0.92–
1.00), respectively.
Type of treatment
The disputes arose in relation to a wide
array of treatments; however, cluster-
ing was evident. Thirty specific treat-
ments accounted for 71% of cases (Box
6). There was a heavy orientation
toward operations: 92% (442/481) of
cases involved surgical procedures and
16% (77/481) involved cosmetic proce-
dures. Five types of treatments — pro-
cedures involving reproductive organs
(57/481; 12% of cases), procedures
involving facial features excluding eyes
(57/481; 12%), prescription medica-
tions (40/481; 8%), eye surgery (36/
481; 7%) and breast surgery (32/481;
7%) — accounted for 46% of all cases.
Case outcomes
The cases took an average of 1.8 years
(interquartile range [IQR], 0.5–3.6
years) from filing to closure, with com-
plaints (median, 1.0 years; IQR, 0.6–1.6
years) resolved more quickly than
claims (median, 2.3 years; IQR, 1.3–3.5
years). Plaintiffs received payments in
51% (135/263) of claims. Eleven claims
proceeded to court verdict, and plain-
tiffs won damages in three. Monetary
restoration was paid to complainants
in 27% (59/218) of complaints but,
consistent with the functions of the
HSC, a much wider range of remedies
was sought and obtained in these and
other complaints.
Discussion
Of nearly 10000 Australian medico-
legal cases resolved in the 7 years
2002–2008, around one in 30 medical
negligence claims and one in nine con-
ciliated complaints included allega-
tions of problems with informed
consent. Five treatment types
accounted for nearly half of all cases:
reproductive, facial, medication, eye
and breast. Ninety-two percent of
cases involved surgical procedures and
16% involved cosmetic procedures.
The heavy concentration of informed
consent disputes around surgical pro-
cedures was also evident in other
aspects of our findings. Plastic sur-
geons, orthopaedic surgeons, vascular
surgeons, and dermatologists experi-
enced disproportionately high rates of
consent disputes. Moreover, about
three-quarters of the cases centred on
the allegation that certain complica-
tions, which ultimately affected the
patient, were not mentioned or prop-
erly explained before the treatment.
Thus, the concept of a “typical”
informed consent dispute has real cur-
rency: it is an operation, often under-
taken for cosmetic purposes, in which
the patient alleges that a complication
was not properly disclosed.
To the best of our knowledge, this is
the first study to investigate in a real-
world setting what happens when
informed consent goes poorly from
the patient’s perspective — poorly
enough to prompt complaints or liti-
gation. Unlike studies that have
probed patients’ views on what they
want or hope to be told before treat-
ment,
11,12
we profiled situations in
which patients “voted with their feet”
in proclaiming unmet expectations.
Improved understanding of these sit-
uations helps to spotlight facets of
care in which there is a gap between
what doctors do and what patients
want; it may also be instructive for
clinicians who are eager to avoid the
vicissitudes of medicolegal processes.
In our sample, the predominance of
cases alleging undisclosed risks related to
surgery is striking. High-profile court
battles over informed consent in the
United States,
13
Australia,
14
Malaysia,
15
New Zealand,
16
Ireland,
17
and Canada
18
have centred on precisely this scenario.
19
Concerns about surgical risks not prop-
erly explained appear to be the heartland
of contemporary disputes between
patients and doctors over consent, at
least in Australia. By contrast, other types
of breakdowns in the consent process
that have attracted intense scholarly
attention and debate (eg, failure to can-
vass alternative treatments, patient com-
petence) appear to be infrequent triggers
of formal disputes, and still others (eg,
consent to services rendered as part of
research), however interesting from an
ethical perspective, are exotic in medico-
legal fora.
We found that one in six disputes
stemmed from cosmetic procedures.
The frequency of such cases is high,
but plausible. As the ultimate form of
elective treatment, patients’ tolerance
for risk in cosmetic procedures is
likely to be low, complications are
often visible, and the need to meet
the full cost of care through out-of-
pocket payments probably heightens
expectations.
Additionally, our results show that
disputes over informed consent are
usually associated with concerns that
the episode of care was substandard
in other ways. Different types of con-
cerns may interact. Dissatisfaction
with other aspects of care, such as its
6 Treatments associated with
informed consent cases (n =481)
Treatment No. (%)
Medication
40 (8%)
Skin or superficial lesion
excision
23 (5%)
Facial cosmetic
21 (4%)
Hysterectomy
20 (4%)
Breast enlargement or
reconstruction
17 (4%)
Liposuction or lipectomy
15 (3%)
Nasal surgery
14 (3%)
Breast reduction 13 (3%)
Arthroscopy 12 (2%)
Cataract
12 (2%)
Refractive surgery
12 (2%)
Spinal surgery
12 (2%)
Hernia surgery
11 (2%)
Endoscopy
10 (2%)
Epidural or spinal
anaesthesia
9 (2%)
Joint replacement
9 (2%)
Vaginal delivery
9 (2%)
Oophorectomy
9 (2%)
Laparoscopic
cholecystectomy
8 (2%)
General anaesthesia
7 (1%)
Treatment of varicose veins
7 (1%)
Bowel resection
6 (1%)
Dilatation and curettage
6 (1%)
Fracture repair
6 (1%)
Sterilisation — laparoscopic
clip
6 (1%)
Sterilisation — vasectomy
6 (1%)
Termination of pregnancy
6 (1%)
Delivery — lower uterine
segment caesarean section
5 (1%)
Laparoscopic gastric banding
5 (1%)
Regional anaesthesia
5 (1%)
Other
140 (29%)