American Indian Culture and Research Journal

UCLA

Title

The Powwow as a Public Arena for Negotiating Unity and Diversity in

American Indian Life

Permalink

https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1vh778zb

Journal

American Indian Culture and Research Journal , 20(4)

ISSN

0161-6463

Author

Mattern, Mark

Publication Date

1996-09-01

DOI

10.17953

This work is made available under the terms of a Creative Commons

Attribution-NonCommercial License, availalbe at

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AMERICAN INDIAN CULTURE AND RESEARCH IOURNAL

20:4

(1996)

283-201

The Powwow as

Public Arena

for Negotiating Unity and Diversity

in American Indian Life

MARK MATTERN

INTRODUCTION

The powwow’ is often cited for its importance in contemporary

Indian life as a constituent of tribal and Indian identity, and as a

unifying force in Indian life.* Although each of these testimonies

may be true, each tells an incomplete story. Each downplays or

ignores entirely the disagreements and conflicts that occur within

the powwow grounds and that swirl around powwow practices.

Each erases the multiple differences among Indians and implies

that Indian identity and commitments are simply reinforced and

reproduced through powwow practices, rather than debated,

negotiated, and changed. Each also erases the constitutive presence

of power and politics within the powwow arena. Powwows are

constituents of identity and

unifying force in contemporary Indian

life, but they are also arenas of conflict and disagreement in which

power plays an important role and in which Indians implicitly

and explicitly debate their identity and mutual commitments.

In this article

will argue that the powwow can best be under-

stood in these dual, paradoxical terms: It plays a unifying role in

Indian life while providing a public arena for negotiation of

differences and disagreements. The unifying role played by pow-

Mark Mattern is an assistant professor of political science at Chapman Univer-

sity, Orange, California.

183

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AMERICAN INDIAN CULTURE AND RESEARCH JOURNAL

wows is especially significant in light of the diversity within and

among tribes. Although others have argued that the powwow

plays a unifying role in this context of diversity, much can

nevertheless still be added to our understanding of the specific

practices that foster this unifying role. In the first part of this

article,

will examine specific powwow practices in light of their

unifying role.

will interpret the powwow as a communicative

arena in which common experiences help create and sustain a

common ground of memory, experience, identity, and commit-

ment out of disparate experiences and identities.

the other hand, the powwow is also a public arena where

Indians explicitly and implicitly negotiate their differences and

their disagreements over their identifying traits and mutual com-

mitments. This role of enabling the negotiation of differences and

disagreements helps manage the tension between unity and

dibersity, making Indian communities more resilient and adapt-

able. As in other public arenas, the role of power at a powwow is

central in helping determine both the nature and the outcome of

disagreement and negotiation.

Throughout this article

will be using the terms

Indian,

Ameri-

can

Indian,

and

iizdigenous

people

to refer to indigenous people of

Minnesota and western Wisconsin and, unless I say otherwise,

only those people. The powwow practices that I describe should

be viewed as specific to the region and not necessarily generaliz-

able beyond the region. Whenever possible,

will refer to specific

tribes. Although this paper focuses primarily on the powwow

experiences of Ojibwe, Dakota, Winnebago, and Menominee

tribes of Minnesota and western Wisconsin, it is often difficult to

speak only in terms of select tribes. Members of many different

tribes and bands live in Minnesota and western Wisconsin, espe-

cially

urban areas such as the Twin Cities. Many of these people

attend powwows in the area, most of which are now intertribal.

THE POWWOW AS

UNIFYING FORCE IN INDIAN LIFE3

Indian tribes differ widely in tradition, custom, commitment, and

interests. Multiple differences also exist within each tribe. Ac-

cording to one qibwe expression,

”If

you put five qibwe in a

room together, there will be at least ten different opinions on any

~ubject.”~ With the exception of powwows hosted by supratribal

and intertribal organizations such as the American Indian Move-

ment (AIM) or university-based American Indian centers, pow-

The

I-’o7uzirozu

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185

wows are usually hosted by a single tribe. However, most modern

powwows are attended by members of several or more tribes. As

many as

sixty

or more tribes from the United States and Canada

may be represented at a large powwow. Although there are

significant differences between tribes, powwow practices among

tribes of Minnesota and western Wisconsin remain largely the

same, enabling me to write at a certain level of generalization. The

practices that I emphasize are generic to powwow experience in

the region. Some of the specific powwow elements and practices

that play a unifying role in this context of diversity include the

philosophy and spirituality that underlie powwow practices; the

emcee; music and dance; and explicit community-affirming prac-

tices such as feasts, honoring, giveaways, and rituals of inclusion.

PHILOSOPHY AND SPIRITUALITY

Although contemporary powwows include many secular dimen-

sions, they are supported by philosophical and spiritual tradi-

tions that emphasize unity and inclusiveness.s For example, the

physical space in which communicative interactions occur, a

circle, is itself rich with significance for this discussion of Ameri-

can Indian unity and diversity. Among Indians of Minnesota and

western Wisconsin, the circle carries spiritual significance as an

embodiment of all living creatures, and relations within this circle

are characterized by unity, harmony, and inclusiveness. This

imagery of the circle permeates powwow experience. The dance

arena

always set up as a circle, or an oval if the physical space

will not accommodate a circle. This includes powwows held

indoors in gymnasiums, auditoriums, church basements, and

other square or rectangular physical spaces. Musical performance

is organized into drum groups-groups of approximately four to

ten drummer-singers

who

encircle the drum in performance.

These drum groups set up either in the center of the dance arena

or around its perimeter. Dancers move in a circle around the

arena. Around the dance arena are seats for the audience, and

around these seats are various food and craft vendors. Each

powwow

thus a material embodiment of the underlying phi-

losophy represented by the circle, and participation in a powwow

signifies membership in the circle.

the core of powwow experience in Minnesota and western

Wisconsin is the drum, which, in American Indian philosophy in

this region, symbolizes the heart

all living creatures and of

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indigenous people. As some see it, without the drum there would

be no powwow and no indigenous people. In secular terms, the

powwow relies on the drum for its central activities of singing and

dancing. Since the drum is ”the heartbeat of our sacred circle,”

and since the ”sacred circle” refers to an inclusive wholeness of

humans and all living creatures, the drum also has a deep spiritual

significance in American Indian philosophy. It is considered the

heartbeat of all living creatures and, “if ever that heartbeat should

discontinue, we are gone, everyone is gone.’16

Of course, not everyone brings philosophical or spiritual inter-

ests to a powwow. Although many, perhaps most, Indians can

recite the philosophical and spiritual meaning underlying pow-

wow practices, it is unclear how many take it seriously. As we will

see later, some Indians are concerned with a trend that they

perceive of an increasing secularization of the powwow. Regard-

less of the philosophical and spiritual orientation of participants,

the powwow represents for most people a place where differences

can be set aside, at least temporarily, in favor of fellowship and

unity. Adding a philosophical and spiritual dimension intensifies

this commitment

to,

and experience of, fellowship and unity for

some participants.

THE

EMCEE

In addition to his (the vast majority of emcees are men) role of

announcing the order of events and keeping the powwow mov-

ing, the emcee plays a central role in informing participants and

observers of the significance

the events and practices as they

unfold, and in (selectively) enforcing tribal and Indian customs.

The emcee frequently explains what is happening and the reason

for it. Much of this is directed at non-Indians and members

other tribes, but it is also intended to remind tribal members

the

meaning of their practices. Some emcees accomplish this through

appeals to collective memory, exhorting listeners to “remember.”

Collective memory is also reinforced in the powwow program

guide with articles on tribal history, dedications to prominent

tribal members, and central events in indigenous peoples’ history

such as Wounded Knee. At other times the emcee enforces tribal

customs and traditions with statements such as “children should

not be carried in the dance arena” and

dogs are not allowed in the

powwow arena unless they arrive in a cooking pot,” and exhorts

participants to “watch the leaders and do what they

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In making public and explicit some of the assumptions and

beliefs that underlie powwow practices, the emcee recalls to

participants’ minds the significance of their actions, including,

sometimes, their philosophical and spiritual dimensions, and

reinforces collective memories. The articulation of shared memo-

ries reminds tribal members and others of common histories.

Overall, the emcee contributes to a common awareness among

powwow participants of the significance of their actions, of their

similarities and differences, of partially common histories and

traditions, and of partially common interests and commitments.

Of course, different emcees handle their role differently. Some

emcees limit their role to moving things along and entertainment,

while others are more likely to offer explanations and commen-

tary. The emcee and other featured speakers also sometimes

endorse particular stands on key political issues such as American

Indian self-determination, sovereignty, tribal treaty rights, and

the environment. This is especially true of the powwows orga-

nized by AIM, but often is true for other powwows as well. The

articulation and rearticulation of these issues contribute to a

common awareness among participants of political issues facing

them at tribal and supratribal levels.

MUSIC AND DANCE

Beliefs and commitments that foster unity are embedded in the

music and dancing. The aesthetics of the music and dancing,

which emphasize repetition and unison, reinforce the commit-

ment to unity represented by the circle in which they take place.

The most common rhythms are straightforward duple, with

occasional “honor” beats struck on the offbeat to honor Mother

Earth or a specific person, event, or idea. The musicians drum and

sing entirely in unison except for the leader’s brief solo introduc-

tions. One measure of the quality of performance is the extent to

which the musicians achieve a tight, cohesive sound. Although

songs vary widely in intent, meaning, style, and sound, the song

structure remains standard within each type of song. The

so-

called incomplete repetition form, or AA/BCD/BCD, is the most

common and, like the other song forms, is quite short.8 Thus, in

order to play for a dance, the song is repeated in “pushups” a

designated or requested number of times, normally four or five

times but usually longer during a grand entry and sometimes

longer for popular dances.

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AMERICAN INDIAN CULTURE AND RESEARCH JOURNAL

The drumming is associated with both aesthetic and spiritual

power. Whatever the drumming might lack in complexity it

makes up for in intensity and forcefulness of expression and

reception. In his study

Menominee powwow music,

J.S.

Slotkin

refers to "the tremendous dominating drumbeat which makes

everything vibrate to it.

. . .

never had such a sense of rhythm

penetrating The unison singing, when done with skill and

conviction, adds power and forcefulness to this shared affective

experience. The net effect is a potent physical and, for some,

emotional experience shared by musicians, dancers, and listeners.

Everyone in the powwow grounds shares the physical experience

of hearing and physically feeling the drum. It focuses attention

and experience, contributing to a sharing of experience. Powwow

participants share this experience in qualitatively different ways

and to varying degrees of intensity, but most find it hard to ignore.

For people who bring spiritual interests to the powwow, the drum

is also "the most important material embodiment

[spiritual]

power."'" Since the drum is considered the heartbeat of Mother

Earth, beating on the drum puts people in touch with spiritual

powers. It is a form of communication between humans and

spiritual powers, a means of summoning strength from the spiri-

tual world.

The "intertribal" dance is the most common social, noncontest

dance. Anyone can dance, including non-Indians and people

wearing street clothes. The step is a basic one-two, touch-step

requiring only minimal expertise, but experienced dancers some-

times display their more advanced steps during an intertribal.

There are several dancer categories on the Northern Plains pow-

wow circuit, each characterized by a distinct set of stylistic norms

and movements. These include, for men, traditional, grass, and

fancy dancing and, for women, traditional, jingle dress, and fancy

shawl dancing. Individual expression occurs, but within the

parameters of each type of dance. Despite the variations in style,

each dance builds on multiple repetitions of the simple one-two,

touch-step that characterizes the grand entries and the intertribal

dancing. Variations are woven around the basic step according to

the artistic fancy of the dancer. For most dances, the dancers must

pay close attention to the singers in order to stop dancing at the

same time that the singers stop. This is especially true for contest

dancing, where points are deducted or the dancer is disqualified

for not stopping on cue. Attention

thus necessarily focused

intently on the singing and the drumming in order to follow the

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song and know where the singers are in the song. This is made

easier by the fact that most songs have a similar structure and that

the musicians provide various cues such as slight changes in

drumming patterns.

These aesthetic qualities of repetition and unison found in

powwow music and dancing complement and reinforce in sound

and motion the philosophy underlying the powwow experience

of unity and inclusiveness. They add impetus and reinforce them

by making them material. They encourage a concentration and

focusing of attention, and intensify the experience of sharing

during the powwow, as different participants engage simulta-

neously, if temporarily and at varying levels of engagement, in the

central practices that define the powwow. The net effect is at least

a partial unifying and integrating of experience within the pow-

wow grounds."

EXPLICIT COMMUNITY-AFFIRMING PRACTICES

Several powwow practices explicitly affirm and reinforce unity

among Indians. One practice that occurs frequently at a powwow

and that reinforces the implied and explicit commitments to

respect and fellowship within powwow experience is the custom

of "honoring." Implicit forms of honoring include the grand

entries-the inaugural events occurring several times during a

powwow in which the dancers "enter the circle" to the sound of

singing and drumming-which are led by honored military vet-

erans. Many instances of honoring occur explicitly. Participants

generally funnel their requests through the emcee to honor a

relative, friend, or member of another tribe,

it is usually done

publicly and often is accompanied by a giveaway. The giveaways

themselves are explicit expressions of honor and appreciation for

one or more individuals. This custom of honoring plays the role

of affirming and cementing social relationships among various

tribal members. It is a formal means of publicly acknowledging an

important social relationship, and of expressing an enduring

commitment to other members of the tribe and, sometimes, to

members of other tribes.

Various formal and informal mechanisms are used to invite

inclusion and participation in the powwow circle. For example,

the emcee typically issues an explicit invitation to join the circle,

welcoming tribal members, members of visiting tribes, non-Indi-

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ans, and other prominent visitors and encouraging everyone to

participate. Other powwow practices such as the communal

feasts to which everyone is invited reinforce this invitation to join

and participate. Other mechanisms for inviting or signalling

inclusion involve ritualized use of singing and dancing. For

example, grand entries are led by military veterans, signaling to

powwow participants their integration into the circle and their

place of honor within it. This holds special significance to Vietnam

veterans, for whom reintegration into

U.S.

life has sometimes

proven difficult. Other ritualized welcomes can occur at the

request of powwow participants who wish to “return to the

circle” themselves or to invite or signal another’s return or en-

trance into the circle. One such event occurred at the

1993

Prairie

Island Dakota powwow. A young man who had been ”out

the

circle” for six years wished to return. Working through the emcee,

he announced a special song and dance, accompanied by a give-

away and a public honoring of his grandfather, to mark his return.

Accompanied by

two

special friends and followed by tribal elders

and family members, he began dancing slowly around the arena.

People from the audience entered the arena to greet the young

man and welcome him back, then joined the dancers at the rear. As

they danced around the arena, slowly increasing in number,

family members strewed blankets, shawls, and money around the

arena, which members of the audience were free to pick up. The

arena gradually filled up with tribal members dancing the young

man back into the circle and with others participating in the

giveaway. During this event, the emcee told the young man’s

story of falling away from the circle and his reasons for wishing to

return, articulated the importance of this public affirmation of his

return, and encouraged everyone to “come down and welcome

him back.”12

The invitation to participate is not unlimited. While an effort is

made to make the powwow experience inclusive, participation

requires at least partial respect for and adoption of the norms of

the host tribe or organization. The host tribe expects visitors to

respect its customs and behave more or less in accordance with

them. Also, financial considerations partially underlie the com-

mitment to welcoming and inclusion. The powwow committee

often needs the gate receipts of members of other tribes and of

non-Indians to pay the bills, which include the honorariums for

dancers and singers, the feasts, and prize money if it is a contest

powwow.

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***

In daily and weekly powwow experience, these practices rein-

force and recreate existing beliefs and commitments, and foster

their common possession. This process of "making common"

occurs

both tribal and supratribal levels. Specifically tribal

identity is recreated and reinforced at a powwow through the

articulation of distinctively tribal commitments, as well as through

the frequent references to tribal memory, history, and tradition,

and through the reinforcement of tribal customs and styles of

singing and dancing.

similar process of identification occurs for

many across tribal boundaries at a powwow through the articu-

lation of commitments that span tribes, through the development

and reinforcement of common memories and histories, and

through the occasional references to political, social, cultural, and

economic issues that span different tribes. The partial consolida-

tion of musical and dance styles that characterizes contemporary

Northern Plains powwow practice13 both reflects this growth of a

supratribal identity and helps create it. Identification at a

supratribal level does not replace tribal identification. Some pow-

wow participants identify

only

with their particular tribe. For

others, a supratribal identification, representing points of com-

monality spanning tribal differences, complements their tribal

identification without replacing it.

In sum, the powwow is a unifying force in American Indian life

at both tribal and supratribal levels. It gathers diverse Indians

together where communicative interactions can take place that,

taken together, define a partly common ground of identity, belief,

and commitment. The practices that define the powwow experi-

ence-the singing and dancing, the feasts and giveaways, the fry

bread and Indian tacos-together help define a sense of "who we

are," of what it means to be both a member of a particular tribe and

an American Indian. In affirming and recreating tribal and

supratribal identity and commitment, powwow practices con-

tribute to social cohesion and the survival of Indians as Indians.

Participants leave a powwow with a reinforced sense of what it

means to be

tribal Indian and an American Indian.

POWER AND POLITICS IN POWWOWS: NEGOTIATING

AMERICAN INDIAN IDENTITY AND COMMITMENT

Thus far

have treated the powwow as an arena in which unity

and social cohesion among American Indians is fostered. While

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acknowledging differences between individuals and tribes,

have posed this discussion in terms that downplay the role of

power and that are free of disagreement and conflict. Indeed,

most powwow practice concerns the routine reinforcement of

existing beliefs and practices. However, the powwow arena is

constituted partly by differences and disagreements that provoke

conflict and challenges to existing beliefs and practices. These

disagreements sometimes fuel explicit debate over powwow

practice as Indians discuss among themselves the relative merits

different practices. The debate occurs within the powwow

arena and on its sidelines, among members of powwow organiz-

ing committees, in informal interactions among powwow partici-

pants, and in discussions and arguments entirely outside of

powwow grounds. Sometimes these disagreements are worked

out directly within powwow practice, while others are not. Also,

sometimes the debate occurs in wordless challenges to existing

practices and the responses by others. Since these various pow-

wow practices embody communal identity and commitments,

challenges to them and debates over them are, by extension,

challenges to and debates over communal identity and commit-

ment. In other words, Indians do not simply reaffirm and rein-

force their mutual identity and commitments through powwow

practices; they negotiate them.

In this light, the powwow can be viewed as a public arena of

negotiation and deliberation over American Indian identity and

commitment. The outcome of these disagreements and delibera-

tions depends at least partly on power, understood to mean both

domination (control of others) and capacity (possession of the

abilities and resources necessary to formulate goals and bring

them to fruition).I4

the following pages,

will discuss disagree-

ments and conflicts generated around gender differences, the

tension between secular and spiritual interests, and the relations

between Indians and non-Indians.

GENDER DIFFERENCES

Powwow practices are gendered

many ways, and these gendered

practices both reveal and reinforce relations of power between

genders. This is apparent

music and dance performance. Music

performance is organized into drum groups, or groups of approx-

imately four to ten male singers who sit around the drum and beat

on it with a drumstick as they sing. In Canadian tribes and tribes

Thc

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193

of the western and northwestern United States, women sometimes

join or form drum groups, but in Minnesota and western Wiscon-

sin women rarely participate in drum groups. Women’s roles are

generally limited to occasionally ”helping the men” musically by

singing along an octave above the men’s voices. Day-to-day

musical performance implicitly reinforces the commitment to this

form of gender exclusion. Some women have attempted to chal-

lenge this practice of exclusion by forming all women drum

groups. However, their efforts have met with limited acceptance,

and today women are not active participants in drum groups in

the Minnesota and western Wisconsin powwow circuit.I5

more successful attempt by women to challenge gender roles

occurred in powwow dancing. Traditionally, male dancing is

athletic and vigorous, while female dancing is relatively demure

and restrained. However, one of the most popular contemporary

forms of dancing for girls and young women, fancy shawl danc-

ing, involves spirited and athletic movements. Fancy shawl danc-

ing is a relative newcomer to the powwow scene, introduced

within the last thirty-five years by girls and young women who

persisted in its practice in the face of opposition by many who

believed that its spirited athleticism was inconsistent with tradi-

tional expectations of women. Now it is an accepted form of dance

on the Northern Plains powwow circuit.16

The outcome of challenges to gendered practices depends on

relative power. The attempts by some women to redefine their

status within powwow practices depend partly on the support or

nonsupport of the emcee, who is responsible for articulating and

enforcing tribal customs-a role that most emcees play selec-

tively. The emcee represents a dominant voice, chosen by a

dominant powwow organizing committee, and may or may not

fairly represent the interests and views of the entire tribe. The

attempts by some women to redefine gender relations also de-

pends on their ability to enlist the support

other women and

men, and to challenge other related commitments such as the

commitment to unity that pervades powwow experience and

discourages participants from raising public challenges to pre-

vailing norms and practices.

SECULAR

SPIRITUAL INTERESTS

Another point

disagreement that sometimes surfaces in con-

temporary powwow experience is over the relative weight in

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AMERICAN INDIAN CULTURE AND RESEARCH JOURNAL

powwow experience of secular v. spiritual concerns. Some Indi-

ans fear that the powwow is being increasingly secularized,

denuded of its spiritual content. One expression of this disagree-

ment concerns the use of the eagle bone whistle or similar carved

whistles. These whistles are carried by select military veterans

and, in traditional usage, are blown during the start of spiritual

ceremonies in order to call in the power of the spirits. However,

some of these whistle carriers now also use it for secular purposes

during powwow music and dance performance. In contemporary

powwow practice, a dancer with a whistle will sometimes blow it

in order to signal to the members of the performing drum group

that they should play another pass through the song. Given that

twenty or more drums may show up to play at a powwow, the

time allotted to each drum can be very small. One way for dancers

who have been honored as whistle carriers to prolong the play of

favorites is to blow their whistles.

Some

powwow participants

object to this secular use of the whistle, arguing that it dilutes its

spiritual significance. Sometimes, the emcee or a spiritual elder

will interrupt the dancing to publicly admonish the whistle carri-

ers for using their whistles in this secular way.”

Another example of this disagreement over the relative weight

of secular v. spiritual matters concerns the growing prominence

of financial concerns in powwow experience. As the number of

powwows multiplies, there is more and more competition among

powwow organizing committees to attract dancers and singers.

One way to lure them is to offer more prize money and honorari-

ums. The development of a casino economy among some Indian

populations has made considerably more money available to

devote to powwows. Some Indians fear that these developments

encourage greater emphasis on financial incentives and less em-

phasis on spiritual, cultural, and political incentives for partici-

pating in powwows. Some Indians also believe that the increasing

emphasis on contest dancing and singing introduces unhealthy

competition into the dance arena, which disrupts the ”good

medicine” of friendship and fellowship. Contest powwows are

observably disruptive of at least some traditional practices such as

the giveaways, which are likely to be shunted aside to early

morning hours, and the social dancing, which must be

deemphasized in order to free enough time for the contest danc-

ing.

A related disagreement concerns the practice associated with

some contest powwows of making the powwow a ”closed drum”

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195

event. Traditionally, the powwow organizing committee sim-

ply

issues

general invitation to drum groups to show up and

to an advertised limit of twenty to thirty drum groups. Some of

the drum groups that show up to play are composed of seasoned

and accomplished veteran musicians, while others are composed

of amateurs whose musical performance may be well short of

accomplished. In traditional practice, no attempt is made to favor

drum groups, and musical performance simply occurs on a ro-

tating basis. In hopes of assuring better quality musical perfor-

mance and attracting more and better dancers, some organizing

committees now hire one or sometimes two or three exceptional

drum groups to play the role of host drum(s). Some powwow

organizing committees further limit musical participation by

designating their powwow as a “closed drum” powwow, mean-

ing that only invited drums whose musical performance is as-

sured can play. This is a controversial practice, since many believe

that it contradicts the powwow ethics of welcoming and inclu-

siveness.

Indians also disagree over whether

is appropriate to politi-

cize the powwow. Some Indians distance themselves from any

political uses whatsoever of the powwow or powwow practices

such as drumming. These Indians argue against political uses of

powwow practices on the grounds that politics is divisive and this

contradicts the ethic

unity and the spiritual dimensions (which

emphasize wholeness and unity) that they believe should per-

vade powwow experience. They also object to the introduction of

political themes by the emcee or by others. In contrast to these

Indians who disavow any political significance or use of the

powwow and powwow practices, others explicitly and pointedly

introduce political themes and issues into the powwow arena and

carry the powwow drum into other explicitly political arenas such

as demonstrations. This is especially true of the powwows orga-

nized by members of AIM.

In this ongoing disagreement over secular v. spiritual concerns

in powwow experience, the secular power of factors such as

casino money plays an increasingly influential role in determin-

ing the nature of powwows. Especially when viewed in the

context of economic marginalization experienced by many Indi-

ans, it is not surprising that this secular power often overwhelms

the power wielded by spiritual elders and others who are deter-

mined to maintain the spiritual character of powwows. Similarly,

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the spiritual authority of elders is sometimes overwhelmed by the

wholly secular interest held by many, especially youth, in having

a good time dancing to the best drum groups, whose play is

prolonged by blowing an eagle bone whistle. Finally, members of

AIM sometimes enlist the power of the media in publicizing their

political goals through powwows or powwow practices. For

example, members of AIM garnered national television attention

during the

1991

baseball World Series and the

1992

football

Superbowl, both held at the Humphrey Metrodome in Minneapo-

lis, by organizing political demonstrations

protest the use of

American Indian names and symbols as mascots: Braves and

Redskins, respectively. Demonstrators at both events were led by

American Indian drummers who were present to summon spiri-

tual and aesthetic power, to focus attention, and to encourage

solidarity. These events inevitably encouraged national audi-

ences to associate American Indian drumming with political

protest, whether or not the majority of Indians view the associa-

tion as appropriate.

RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIANS AND NON-INDIANS

Disagreements over the appropriate relation between Indians

and non-Indians are sometimes negotiated

and around pow-

wow practices. While the invitation issued by the emcee to non-

Indians to participate in powwow practices appears genuine, it

sometimes uncertain how to handle situations that arise such as

inappropriate dancing or photography

dancers. Although the

majority of non-Indians who attend powwows may behave re-

spectfully and appropriately, some do not. A common sight at a

powwow is a non-Indian snapping photographs of dancers. This

strikes some Indians, especially those for whom the powwow

carries spiritual significance, as inappropriate, especially when

the photographer actually gets in the way. Some Indian dancers,

on the other hand, are apparently happy to oblige requests for

posed photographs. Another common sight at some powwows is

the attempt by some non-Indians to participate

the social

dancing. While some fit well into the dancing, others stand out by

attempting to improvise. Sometimes inappropriate behavior is

studiously ignored, sometimes it is guardedly ridiculed, and

sometimes the emcee or others may intervene.

is also uncertain if the invitation issued tonon-Indians should

extend to participation in drum groups. Participation by non-

The

Pozvwow

Public

Arena

197

Indians in drum groups

rare in Minnesota and western Wiscon-

sin.

research turned up only one non-Indian who regularly

participates in

drum group on the powwow circuit in Minnesota

and western Wisconsin, and his presence occasionally provoked

controversy as some Indians questioned his presence and his

right to join in the practice of "drum-hopping" in which drum-

mers circulate among various drum groups.

Indian relations with non-Indians are also partly negotiated at

powwows in discussions and debates over the best response to

the appropriation of Indian culture by non-Indians. One example,

already noted, is the use of Indian symbols and names by sports

teams. At some powwows one can observe simultaneously a

representative from AIM decrying such uses and several Indian

youth wearing sports caps and jackets imprinted with the offend-

ing logos. It may be tempting, on the one hand, to discount the

wearing of these sports logos as the ignorance of youth or, on the

other hand, to romanticize it as a defiant gesture of reappropria-

tion. These may both be true. However, another plausible inter-

pretation would simply emphasize that some Indians do not

object to the use of these names by sports teams. The powwow is

apparently open and flexible enough to accommodate these com-

peting views on this issue, even when AIM is the powwow

organizer. Another example of disagreement over the best re-

sponse to the appropriation of Indian culture

non-Indians

concerns the use by New Age spiritualists of American Indian

practices such as drumming and sweat lodges. Some Indians

cooperate in these appropriations for various reasons, including

to make a profit and to help non-Indians gain spiritual guidance

and understanding. On the other hand, other Indians criticize

these practices on grounds of cultural appropriation and theft of

key identifying symbols and practices which, many believe, de-

grade and dilute their significance.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

Focusing on specific powwow practices enables us to see more

clearly how the powwow fosters at least some unity and social

cohesion among American Indians. However, it

important

move beyond this focus on unity and social cohesion to a recog-

nition of the multiple differences that are present at a powwow,

and the disagreements that arise from them. For most of these

disagreements, there are no formal guidelines that could serve as

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AMERICAN INDIAN CULTURE AND RESEARCH JOURNAL

decision rules. Each disagreement is typically subject to debate

and negotiation. The disagreements are worked out in various

ways ranging from mutual tolerance to wordless acts of rebellion

to explicit forms of conflict and negotiation. Actual outcomes of

disagreements and conflict depend on multiple factors such as the

emcee and his mood or inclination on a particular issue, the

powwow organizing committee with its incomplete control over

powwow events, the tribe and its customs, the mix of participants,

and the relative power of different participants. The outcome of

these disagreements also changes from powwow to powwow,

even within a given tribe.

The powwow arena itself provides a communicative forum

where these challenges and debates can occur in various implicit

and explicit forms and processes. At other times, the powwow

stimulates debate on the sidelines of powwow experience. This

debate over powwow practices is, by extension, a debate over the

character of indigenous communities. Out of the implicit and

explicit negotiation surrounding powwow practices emerges

set of beliefs, commitments, and practices that partially determine

the identity of Indian Communities. This set of beliefs, commit-

ments, and practices remains subject to future challenges, sug-

gesting a shifting, dynamic tribal and Indian identity and a

shifting border between Indian and non-Indian.

While the dual roles of the powwow-fostering unity while

enabling disagreement and debate-may seem mutually incom-

patible, in fact they are complementary. The latter role of enabling

disagreement and debate contributes to the resiliency and flex-

ibility of Indian communities by helping manage the tension

between unity and diversity. Disagreement and conflict are in-

evitable among diverse peoples. The significance of the powwow

is partly understood in the terms that

have suggested of provid-

ing

public, communicative forum where differences can be

expressed and potentially negotiated. This marks, on balance,

sign of healthy, vital communities that have available some com-

municative arenas for working out at least some differences

without squelching them nor ignoring them. Powwow practices

provide

means of finding sufficient unity for survival and

partial prosperity in part because they enable and even foster

healthy disagreement and discussion over differences that divide

Indians.

The

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199

NOTES

The term

po7u7oow

derives from

Narragansett Algonquian word

pauau

initially meaning

gathering of medicine men for

curing ceremony but

gradually coming to mean

gathering of people to celebrate an important

event.

For example, R.D. Theisz argued that Lakota powwow songs and the

powwow practices in which they are set are the ”centerpiece” of contemporary

Lakota identity formation. See Theisz,

“Song

Texts and Their Performers: The

Centerpiece of Contemporary Lakota Identity Formulation,”

Great Plains Quar-

terly

7 (Spring 1987):

116-24.

According to Lynn Huenemann, music and dance

”are among the strongest overt expressions and measures

the perpetuation

of Indian life and culture.” See Huenemann, “Northern Plains Dance,” in

Native

American Dance: Ceremonies arid Social Traditions,

ed. Charlotte Heth (Washing-

ton, DC: National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution

with Starwood Publishing, Inc., 1992), 125. Chris Roberts argues that the

powwow

the “heartbeat of Indian country” and exemplifies the “greatest

renaissance [in Indian culture] since the late 1800’s.” See Roberts,

Pozuzuozu

Country

(Helena, MT: American and World Geographic Publishing, 1992), 8.

Thomas Kavanagh sees powwow music and dance

establishing

“emo-

tional connection with the values

’Indianness.”’ See Kavanagh, ”Southern

Plains Dance: Tradition and Dynamics,” in

Native American Dance: Ceremonies

and Social Traditions,

112. Paul Robert Parthun argues that “the powwow

central to the feeling of Indianess [sic].” See Parthun, ”Ojibwe Music in Minne-

sota’’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1976), 68. At least some

powwow participants claim

experience

“unity,” a “unity of spirit,”

“unified mix of people,” and

”feeling of belonging.” See David Hopkins,

“Truly

Explosion of Culture,”

The Circle

(October 1991), 19; testimonies in

Roberts,

Pozozuozu

Country,

25, 72, 112. According to the editor of

Canadian

Indian magazine,

Windspenker,

“[p]owwows break down the barriers and unify

all

who take part. Whether you’re from the southernmost regions of the United

States or far northern Canada-common ground

found at

powwow.“

(Quoted in Roberts,

Po7uzooru

Country,

9.)

The following portrait of powwow experience

based on the literature

on powwows and on my empirical study of powwows in Minnesota and

western Wisconsin during the period of approximately 1988-93. My interpre-

tation adopts the methodological approach of researchers such

Theodor

Adorno,

lntrodciction to the Sociology of Music

(New York: Seabury Press, 1976);

John Chernoff,

African Rhythm

aiid

African Sensibility

(Chicago: University of

Chicago Press, 1979); Helen Kivnick,

Where

the Way:

Song

and Struggle

South

Africa

(New York: Penguin

Books,

1990); and Susan McClary,

Feminine Endings:

Music, Gender

arid

Sexuality

(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991).

These researchers interpret musical practices in terms of how they model social

relationships and embody ethical and political commitments.

200

AMERICAN

INDIAN

CULTURE

AND

RESEARCH JOURNAL

For one use of this expression, see Joseph Geshick, ”Letter to the Editor,”

The Native American

Press

2:lO (17

July

1992),

For one discussion of the philosophy and spiritualism that underlie

powwow practices in Minnesota and western Minnesota, see, for example,

Edward Benton-Benai’,

The Mishomis

Book:

The Voice

the Ojibway

(St. Paul,

MN: Red School House,

1988).

Although Benton-Benai”s discussion is tied to

the Qibwe, the main themes that are pertinent to this article remain the same

among tribes in Minnesota and western Wisconsin.

“Sixth Annual Heart of the Earth Contest Powwow Program” (Minne-

apolis,

1991), 2;

emcee, Lac Courte Oreilles 20th Annual Honor the Earth

Homecoming Powwow, recorded on tape by author,

July

1993,

Lac Courte

Oreilles, Wisconsin.

Emcee, Lac Courte Oreilles 20th Annual Honor the Earth Homecoming

Powwow. Children are not allowed to be carried in the dance arena because

doing

represents an invitation to Mother Earth to take the child into the spirit

world.

Dogs

used to “arrive in a cooking pot” for ceremonial dinners. Although

the use of dogs in ceremonial dinners is rare today, the custom of excluding live

dogs from the dance arena is sometimes still enforced. The third reference to

“watching the leaders and do what they do” appeared to be an attempt to

discourage inappropriate improvisation by non-Indians participating in a two-

step social dance.

For a discussion of this “incomplete repetition” form, see, for example,

Thomas Vennum, Jr.,

Ojibway Musicfrom Minnesota: Continuity and Change

(St.

Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society Press and the Minnesota State Arts

Board,

1989),

J.S. Slotkin,

The Menomini Powwow

(Milwaukee: Milwaukee Public

Museum,

1957), 14,15.

See also Gladys and Reginald Laubins, who argue that

in powwow music ”there is strength and power.

With several men around

the drum all striking it together, all singing at the top

their lungs, the stirring,

throbbing pulse

the music vibrates right through you.“ Reginald Laubin and

Gladys Laubin,

lndian Dances

North America

(Norman: University

Okla-

homa Press,

1977), 94.

10.

11.

Slotkin,

The Menomini Powwow,

35.

Slotkin argues that powwow drumming and singing “welds” partici-

pants “into a collective unity.“ See Slotkin,

The Menominee Powwow,

14.

argument that powwow music and dance both reveal and reinforce ethical and

philosophical beliefs is ‘consistent with the research that

cited earlier in

endnote

above.

12.

13.

Recorded on tape by author,

July

1993,

Prairie Island, Minnesota.

For an extended discussion of this partial consolidation of styles, see,

especially, William

Powers,

War Dance: Plains lndian Musical Pevformance

(Tucson: University of Arizona Press,

1990).

The literature on power is extensive. A common, although by no means

simple or uncontested, distinction made about power

between “power over”

and “power to,” referring to a sense of power as domination and constraint on

14.

The

Powzoow

Public

Arena

201

the one hand and power as a positive capacity on the other hand. See, for

example, Thomas Wartenberg,

The

Forms

Power:

From

Domination to Transfor-

rnation

(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990) for both a summary of this

basic distinction between power as domination and power as capacity and a

challenge to

it.

For summaries and applications of contemporary literatures on

power, see John Gaventa,

Power and Powerlessness: Quiescence and Rebellion in an

Appalachian Valley

(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1980), and Peter Digeser,

“The Fourth Face of Power,”

TIze

Ioiirnal of Politics

54:4

(November 1992): 977-

1007.

15.

See Thomas Vennum, Jr., “The Changing Role of Women in Ojibway

Music History,” in

Women in North American Indian Music,

ed. Richard Keeling

(The Society for Ethnomusicology, Inc., Special Series No. 6,1989),

20.

The

two

most common explanations for women’s exclusion from drum groups are that

is traditional and, as one scholar put

it,

”it

strictly taboo” for a menstruating

woman to participate in certain ceremonial and cultural practices (Judith

Vander, “From the Musical Experience of Five Shoshone Women,” In

Women

North

American Indian Music,

5).

This form of gender inequality is not necessar-

ily

indicative of gender relations in all aspects of American Indian life. For one

brief discussion of an attempt to form an all-women drum group, see Vennum,

”The Changing Role of Women in Ojibway Music History,”

13.

Vennum refers

to a women‘s drum group at Minnesota‘s Red Lake qibwe Reservation, briefly

active during 1973, which was “ridiculed during their first public performance”

but later met with limited, grudging acceptance. Vennum does not say how

long this women’s drum circle remained active. Finally, it should be noted that

American Indian women disagree over the significance of their exclusion from

drum groups. While some are critical of this exclusion, others defend the

practice.

16. Other examples of how powwows are gendered include the fact that

most emcees are male, that military veterans-the vast majority of whom are

male- often are honored, and that the related overall commitment

warriorism.

This occurred, for example, at the 1993 Lac du Flambeau, Wisconsin,

Ojibwe powwow (John Sanford [pseud.], interview by author, tape recording,

June 1993, Minneapolis, MN), the 1993 Prairie Island Dakota powwow

(recorded on tape by author, 9 July 1993, Prairie Island, Minnesota), and the

1991

Black

River Falls Winnebago powwow (Sanford, interview, 1993).

17.